Our new report highlights Louisiana’s economic situation based on the most recent data. The report is based on several key factors that indicate how the economy, labor market, and public policy influence the lives of everyday Louisianans. While some of these data indicate a relatively strong labor market–such as the historically low unemployment rate–there are underlying factors showing Louisiana’s economic struggle. Our Louisiana Comeback will happen through reforms that remove government barriers, bring jobs and opportunity back to Louisiana, and let people prosper. We must decide: Will we continue to hold on to the status quo (which hasn’t done us any favors), or will we embrace the significant reforms necessary to bring jobs and opportunity to Louisiana? We need the latter. Read the full two-pager: Economic Report Oct 2023 Originally published by Pelican Institute. At first glance, you might think that Louisiana’s economy is doing great. After all, the state’s September 2023 jobs report shows record lows for the unemployment rate at 3.3% and and people unemployed at 67,930. Louisiana Governor John Bel Edwards cheered these data in a press release: “Louisiana continues to set records for low unemployment. We’ve had 30 consecutive months of job growth and have added nearly 280,000 jobs since the worst of the pandemic. In fact, our employment levels are now higher than they were before COVID. Experts believe that our bipartisan work to grow and diversify our economy will benefit Louisiana for years to come. Economist Dr. Loren Scott recently predicted that Louisiana will add more than 80,000 jobs over the next two years. And we’ve done it all while overcoming historic natural disasters and a state government budget crisis. I have never been more optimistic about Louisiana than I am today.” But does what you hear in the media or by some politicians match reality? Let’s dive into the data to see how things are going for Louisianans. We should know that the Pelican State has many fantastic resources but too many failed public policies that keep Louisianans from reaching their full potential. This has been the case for a while, but most recently, the jobs reports indicate slowing employment growth and a declining labor force. Work matters, as it brings about dignity and self-sufficiency and leaves fewer people needing help from government safety net programs. These data below show that while the labor market data can look good on the surface, there are many real problems facing Louisianans that need to be addressed by state leaders. Fortunately, the Pelican Institute’s “Comeback Agenda,” including our fiscal reform plan, supports ways to overcome these challenges. Here are key issues in Louisiana’s economy. Table 1 provides Louisiana’s labor market data for important dates from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. These dates are December 2007, when the Great Recession started; February 2020, when the last expansion peaked before the COVID-19-related shutdowns; April 2020, when the shutdown recession ended; and September 2023, for the latest data available. The unemployment rate would be 4.9% if Louisianans hadn’t left the state since pre-COVID. The unemployment rate is calculated using data from the household survey and isn’t a great measure of the labor market. This is because unemployment in the numerator and the labor force in the denominator are volatile measures as people enter and exit Louisiana and the labor force. Considering data from pre-COVID to compare with the Governor’s statement, the working-age population is down by 36,329 to 3.5 million. Even though the labor force is up 1,566 since then, the many people who have left the state keep the unemployment rate lower than otherwise. If we include the departed population in the labor force and unemployment, the unemployment rate would be 4.9%, substantially higher than the reported 3.3%. Moreover, if the working-age population hadn’t declined, the labor force participation rate would be 59.3% instead of the 58.9% rate today. Louisiana’s employment has not increased for 30 consecutive months. While the Governor is correct that there have been about 280,000 jobs since pre-COVID, there have not been “30 consecutive months of job growth.” The payroll survey shows that nonfarm employment is up 270,300 and the household survey shows that employment is up 295,065 since February 2020. There was an increase in nonfarm employment by 8,900 jobs in September (6th most in percentage terms of any state). But this was after cumulative losses of 3,600 jobs during June and July for an increase of just 18,100 jobs over the last four months. Over the last 30 months, there have been seven months with declining net jobs in the payroll survey and nine months with declines in the household survey, which has had four straight months of declines for a total of 17,564 fewer people employed in that period. So, Louisianans have actually been struggling over the last 30 months. Louisiana will add a projected 80,000 more jobs over the next two years, indicating slower job creation. Considering nonfarm employment over a longer period, it is up by 46,000 jobs from a year ago (20th most in the country) for a 2.4% increase (12th fastest). This would result in 92,000 jobs added over the next two years if this pace continued, but the Governor says one projection is just 80,000 jobs added over that period, indicating slower job creation. Also, nonfarm employment is down by 13,700 jobs since February 2020 (one of only a few states that have not regained lost jobs since then). Jobs in the private sector increased by 520 last month to 1.66 million, and government employment increased by 8,300 jobs to 320,500. There is growing weakness in the labor market, with some job losses and average weekly earnings not rising as fast as CPI inflation of 3.7% in many industries (Figure 1). Another weakness is economic growth. Table 2 shows how the U.S. and Louisiana economies performed since 2020, as reported by the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. The steep declines were during the shutdowns in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which was when the labor market suffered most. Figure 2 shows how the increase in real GDP in Louisiana of +1.4% in Q1:2023 ranked 31st in the country to $289.9 billion, after an annual decline in economic output by -1.8% in 2022 which was the second worst in the country. The BEA also reported that personal income in Louisiana grew at an annualized pace of +6.2% (ranked 27th) to $258.5 billion in Q1:2023 (above +5.1% U.S. average). There was personal income growth of 0.0% in 2022, ranking 50th of the states. Compared with neighboring states based on several measures there continue to be major concerns in Louisiana (see Table 3). Bottom Line: Louisiana’s economy is weak when it comes to the labor market and economic growth and when compared with other states. Bold, transformational reforms can unleash the potential of Louisianans and make the state more competitive.
Originally published at Pelican Institute. The headlines are filled with positive economic news for Louisiana, boasting record-low unemployment rates and impressive job growth. But digging deeper into the data reveals a more nuanced and challenging economic landscape that deserves attention and fast action.
At first glance, Louisiana's unemployment rate appears to be a shining success at just 3.3%. Governor John Bel Edwards has been vocal about the state's accomplishments, boasting a record low unemployment rate, "30 consecutive months of job growth," and the addition of nearly 280,000 jobs since the pandemic's peak. But the unemployment rate only tells part of the story. Looking at the data from before the COVID-19 pandemic, there are 36,329 fewer people of working age in Louisiana, totaling 3.5 million. Even though the number of people actively looking for work has increased by 1,566, many have left the state for better opportunities. This is why the unemployment rate seems lower than it is. Had those 36,329 people stayed in Louisiana to be part of the workforce and unemployment numbers, the real unemployment rate would be 4.9%, which is 48% higher than 3.3%. This statistic challenges the narrative and reveals underlying workforce participation and retention challenges. Considering jobs added over the last 30 months, the Pelican State has had seven months of declining net jobs in the payroll survey and nine months with declines in the household survey. The latter measure has declined for four straight months resulting in 17,564 fewer people employed in that period, pointing to a turbulent job landscape. At the same time, Louisiana’s gross domestic product (GDP) has seen concerning ups and downs. In 2022, the state's real GDP shrank by 1.8%, making it one of the poorest performers in the nation. The most recent data indicate a modest 1.4% growth in the first quarter of 2023, ranking 31st in the country. These figures reveal economic instability and emphasize the need for a comprehensive approach to sustainable growth. Finally, assessing personal income figures for state residents reveals additional economic weakness. The first quarter of 2023 showed more promising trends for state residents’ personal income, with personal income growing at an annualized rate of 6.2%, ranking 27th nationwide. However, that has yet to make up for 2022, when personal income did not grow at all, making Louisiana’s personal income last among the 50 states that year. The results are in: Louisiana’s economy is lacking, and transformative reforms are vital to unlock the Pelican State’s potential. If Louisiana continues on its current path, it risks maintaining a poor business tax climate, facing ongoing outmigration of residents, and perpetuating one of the highest poverty rates in the country. Implementing better spending restraint, substantial tax reform, significant regulatory relief, universal education freedom, enhanced workforce development, and improved safety net programs are practical solutions that would empower Louisianans. Fortunately, a recent poll underscores that these essential reforms are not only needed but also desired by Louisiana's residents. The Pelican State has the potential to become "the next big thing," a place where people want to move, provided its leaders take fast action to secure a brighter and more prosperous future for all. This is possible given a new governor and many state lawmakers next year. Originally published at The Center Square. Why the Rich Getting Richer Benefits the Poor and Middle Class w Former U.S. Senator Phil Gramm10/30/2023
Today, I'm joined on episode 68 of the "Let People Prosper" show by Former U.S. Senator Phil Gramm. Please like this video, subscribe to the channel, share it on social media, and provide a rating and review. Also, subscribe and see show notes for this episode on Substack (www.vanceginn.substack.com) and visit my website for economic insights (www.vanceginn.com).
Phil (bio) and I discuss:
Thank you for listening to the 32nd episode of "This Week's Economy," where I briefly recap and share my insights on key economic and policy news.
Please like this video, subscribe to the channel, share it on social media, and provide a rating and review. Also, subscribe and see show notes for this episode on Substack (www.vanceginn.substack.com) and visit my website for economic insights (www.vanceginn.com). Today, I cover: 1) National: The newly appointed House Speaker Mike Johnson, how President Biden's student loan "forgiveness" plan will disadvantage lower-income earners while making higher education more expensive, and while the latest GDP report may seem promising at first, but is less impressive when considering details; 2) States: Texas has a new roughly $18 billion surplus that should be put toward buying down property taxes until they are zero, but that likely won't happen given what's on Texas' ballot, and Louisiana's GDP and personal income rates show that aggressive improvement is needed in The Pelican State; and 3) Other: Why you don't want to miss last week's podcast with Texas State Representative Brian Harrison and the upcoming episode with Former U.S. Senator Phil Gramm on the myth of American inequality. The Texas Legislature just found out it has a huge opportunity to correct its profligate spending failures made earlier this year. But instead, they’re gearing up to spend more at the expense of strapped taxpayers. This would be a fatal error for the Lone Star State.
Texas Comptroller Glenn Hegar recently released the Comptroller's Revenue Estimate (CRE). This report acts like a financial checkup to confirm sufficient tax revenue available to cover expenditures based on the state’s balanced budget amendment. The current two-year tax revenue for 2024-25 was updated higher to $194.6 billion available for general spending, an increase of 24.8% from the previous budget. This certified revenue estimate exceeds the $176.3 billion appropriated by the 88th Legislature for general purposes, resulting in a projected surplus of $18.3 billion. This large amount is from a more vibrant economy than previously estimated and could go a long way to putting school property taxes on a path to elimination. Yet the Texas Legislature’s recent out-of-control spending habits indicate taxpayers probably won’t get more property tax relief than the minimal amount passed this year. The state wants to increase spending on a government school system in the current third special session rather than on students to have universal school choice. And spending could go up by more than $13 billion outside of the expenditure limit if voters approve most of the 14 constitutional amendments on the state ballot this year. Add it all up, and it’s no wonder that Texans find living in many places across the state unaffordable. While Texas has witnessed major economic achievements this year, such as noteworthy records for labor force participation and job creation, the 88th Legislature's actions raise serious concerns about the future. This year, the Lone Star State passed its largest spending increase, largest corporate welfare, and just the second-largest property tax cut in state history, which the latter will underwhelm homeowners when they get their bills. This could be a major problem for Republicans who have touted this as the “largest property tax cut in the world” or the “largest property tax cut in Texas history.” While Texans grapple with an affordability crisis, spending the state surplus and voters approving the proposed ballot items, except propositions 3 (prohibit wealth taxes) and 12 (abolish Galveston County treasurer’s office), would add insult to injury. Rather than squandering the surplus, the Texas Legislature should prioritize strengthening the Texas Model by: 1. Spending less at the state and local levels, strengthen the state’s spending limit with the rate of population growth plus inflation covering all state funds, and have that spending limit also cover local government spending similar to Colorado’s Taxpayer’s Bill of Rights. 2. Taxing less by putting local property taxes on a path to elimination using surpluses to reduce school district M&O property tax rates until they are zero. Local governments should leverage their surpluses to reduce their property tax rates until they are zero. 3. Regulating less by removing barriers to work, removing occupational licensing restrictions, reforming safety nets, and passing universal school choice. Strengthening the Texas Model isn't just about fiscal responsibility; it's about securing a thriving future for generations to come. Texas, with its unique spirit and determination, can continue to lead the way, fostering an environment where free-market capitalism thrives and individuals prosper. The surplus, instead of being frittered away on needless pursuits, should be a catalyst for transformation that redefines the Lone Star State's destiny, safeguards liberty, and sows the seeds of enduring prosperity. Originally published at The Center Square. Texas has been a leader in job creation. But Texas faces major headwinds as this year’s 88th Legislature has looked more like California than what Texans expect. There is a better way.
The labor market continues to improve in Texas even as there are some weaknesses.
Originally published at Texans for Fiscal Responsibility. I hope you enjoy the fantastic 67th Let People Prosper Show episode with TX State Rep. Brian Harrison! Please subscribe to my newsletter if you haven’t already, and subscribe to my podcast wherever you get yours. I would appreciate it if you would also rate and review my podcast! Brian (bio) and I discuss:
While the latest “strong” US jobs report and “cooling” CPI inflation have been touted as promising, a closer look reveals more complexity, and many American families continue to bear the brunt of DC’s failures over the last three-plus years.
The payroll survey’s net gain of 336,000 non-farm jobs is a popular headline, as the figure nearly doubled expectations. But the household survey, a second crucial report by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, shows that only 84,000 jobs were added in September. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate stayed at 3.8 percent, which would be much higher if more people were looking for work. Let’s consider the labor force participation rate of 62.8 percent to double-check the headlines. If this rate were 63.3 percent, as it was in February 2020, there would be 1.4 million more people in the labor force. If they are all unemployed, today’s unemployment rate would be nearly 5 percent, which is substantially higher than the touted 3.8 percent rate. There have also been substantial revisions to the non-farm jobs report in recent months because of volatile data used for seasonal adjustments since the shutdowns, which makes much of it “garbage in, garbage out.” There were, for example, an additional 119,000 jobs added over just July and August than what was initially reported, giving us reason for pause with all of these reports. In short, this volatility in the job market data makes it challenging to discern actual trends, especially when Americans continue to be concerned about the economy. On top of a fickle job market, the latest consumer price index (CPI) sits at 3.7 percent over the past year, while the core inflation, which excludes food and energy, is 4.1 percent. This core inflation rate is double the Federal Reserve’s average inflation rate target and doesn’t show any signs of reverting to 2 percent any time soon. This problem was created by the Fed’s bloated balance sheet, which results from its willingness to help finance the federal budget deficits caused by excessive government spending. Until Congress reins in government spending and money printing, inflation will strain household budgets. Also, real (inflation-adjusted) average weekly earnings dropped by 0.2 percent over the past year, and the average family’s real income has suffered a significant blow, with a decline of more than $7,000 since the start of 2021. These financial setbacks are not coincidental. They are the direct result of the progressive policies of the Biden Administration, the Federal Reserve’s bloated balance sheet, and Congress’s habit of excessive spending. If we want to understand the true state of our economy, we should pay more attention to the Fed’s balance sheet, which remains a crucial indicator of inflationary pressures. This is why I was never on team “transitory inflation.” Even a relatively superficial understanding of the work of Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, and John Taylor has indicated from the start that we would face persistent inflation. Sure, supply-side factors contributed to higher prices in some markets, as did supply chain bottlenecks. But those are short-term fluctuations that don’t tell the entire story of reduced purchasing power for everyone over a longer period, which is a story of failed public policy on top of the failed shutdowns during the pandemic. The explanation is pretty straightforward. There was a sudden halt in the economy due to pandemic shutdowns that distorted many exchanges throughout the marketplace. The federal government then sent out redistributed money to individuals and employers so they wouldn’t have to fret too much during a stressful time. This propped up many Americans, creating any number of zombie firms, zombie workers, and a debt-fueled zombie economy. But this alone wouldn’t explain the inflation, as increased government spending doesn’t stimulate anything other than more government and some specific markets. Next, the Fed more than doubled its balance sheet, increasing its assets from $4 trillion to $9 trillion. This doesn’t lead to long-term economic growth, but it does contribute to many market distortions and inflation across the economy. Much of this money stays in the hands of the banks, mortgage companies, and others at the upper part of the income spectrum. Only then does some of it spread further, in a process known as the Cantillon effect. The problem is not only a propped-up economy with multiple asset bubbles, but reduced purchasing power that punishes lower-income families the most. Few, if any, of the positives from more money in circulation goes to these families. Instead, they have seen whatever savings they had dwindle. To achieve a more stable and prosperous economic future, we must strike a balance between sound fiscal and monetary policies and curb excessive government spending and money printing. This will only begin to happen when we have rules that control discretionary policies by the administration, Congress, and the Fed. While headline jobs and inflation data might suggest a strong economic recovery, digging just a little deeper into the data shows a weak economy with major challenges. It’s time for policymakers to take a hard look at the factors contributing to these economic woes and adopt prudent policies that address the root causes of stagflation. Originally published by AIER. Originally published at American Institute for Economic Research.
While the latest “strong” US jobs report and “cooling” CPI inflation have been touted as promising, a closer look reveals more complexity, and many American families continue to bear the brunt of DC’s failures over the last three-plus years. The payroll survey’s net gain of 336,000 non-farm jobs is a popular headline, as the figure nearly doubled expectations. But the household survey, a second crucial report by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics, shows that only 84,000 jobs were added in September. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate stayed at 3.8 percent, which would be much higher if more people were looking for work. Let’s consider the labor force participation rate of 62.8 percent to double-check the headlines. If this rate were 63.3 percent, as it was in February 2020, there would be 1.4 million more people in the labor force. If they are all unemployed, today’s unemployment rate would be nearly 5 percent, which is substantially higher than the touted 3.8 percent rate. There have also been substantial revisions to the non-farm jobs report in recent months because of volatile data used for seasonal adjustments since the shutdowns, which makes much of it “garbage in, garbage out.” There were, for example, an additional 119,000 jobs added over just July and August than what was initially reported, giving us reason for pause with all of these reports. In short, this volatility in the job market data makes it challenging to discern actual trends, especially when Americans continue to be concerned about the economy. On top of a fickle job market, the latest consumer price index (CPI) sits at 3.7 percent over the past year, while the core inflation, which excludes food and energy, is 4.1 percent. This core inflation rate is double the Federal Reserve’s average inflation rate target and doesn’t show any signs of reverting to 2 percent any time soon. This problem was created by the Fed’s bloated balance sheet, which results from its willingness to help finance the federal budget deficits caused by excessive government spending. Until Congress reins in government spending and money printing, inflation will strain household budgets. Also, real (inflation-adjusted) average weekly earnings dropped by 0.2 percent over the past year, and the average family’s real income has suffered a significant blow, with a decline of more than $7,000 since the start of 2021. These financial setbacks are not coincidental. They are the direct result of the progressive policies of the Biden Administration, the Federal Reserve’s bloated balance sheet, and Congress’s habit of excessive spending. If we want to understand the true state of our economy, we should pay more attention to the Fed’s balance sheet, which remains a crucial indicator of inflationary pressures. This is why I was never on team “transitory inflation.” Even a relatively superficial understanding of the work of Milton Friedman, Friedrich Hayek, and John Taylor has indicated from the start that we would face persistent inflation. Sure, supply-side factors contributed to higher prices in some markets, as did supply chain bottlenecks. But those are short-term fluctuations that don’t tell the entire story of reduced purchasing power for everyone over a longer period, which is a story of failed public policy on top of the failed shutdowns during the pandemic. The explanation is pretty straightforward. There was a sudden halt in the economy due to pandemic shutdowns that distorted many exchanges throughout the marketplace. The federal government then sent out redistributed money to individuals and employers so they wouldn’t have to fret too much during a stressful time. This propped up many Americans, creating any number of zombie firms, zombie workers, and a debt-fueled zombie economy. But this alone wouldn’t explain the inflation, as increased government spending doesn’t stimulate anything other than more government and some specific markets. Next, the Fed more than doubled its balance sheet, increasing its assets from $4 trillion to $9 trillion. This doesn’t lead to long-term economic growth, but it does contribute to many market distortions and inflation across the economy. Much of this money stays in the hands of the banks, mortgage companies, and others at the upper part of the income spectrum. Only then does some of it spread further, in a process known as the Cantillon effect. The problem is not only a propped-up economy with multiple asset bubbles, but reduced purchasing power that punishes lower-income families the most. Few, if any, of the positives from more money in circulation goes to these families. Instead, they have seen whatever savings they had dwindle. To achieve a more stable and prosperous economic future, we must strike a balance between sound fiscal and monetary policies and curb excessive government spending and money printing. This will only begin to happen when we have rules that control discretionary policies by the administration, Congress, and the Fed. While headline jobs and inflation data might suggest a strong economic recovery, digging just a little deeper into the data shows a weak economy with major challenges. It’s time for policymakers to take a hard look at the factors contributing to these economic woes and adopt prudent policies that address the root causes of stagflation. I hope you enjoy the 31st “This Week’s Economy” episode! Please subscribe to my newsletter if you haven’t already, and subscribe to my podcast wherever you get yours. I would appreciate it if you would also rate and review my podcast! Today, I cover:
A year after the Supreme Court struck down President Biden’s student loan forgiveness plan, he presented a new scheme to the Department of Education on Tuesday. While it is less aggressive than the prior plan, this proposal would cost hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars, doing more harm than good.
As the legendary economist Milton Friedman noted, “One of the great mistakes is to judge policies and programs by their intentions rather than their results.” Higher education in America is costly, and this “forgiveness” would make it worse. Signing up for potentially life-long student loans at a young age is too normalized. At the same time, not enough borrowers can secure jobs that offer adequate financial support to pay off these massive loans upon graduation or leaving college. These issues demand serious attention. But “erasing” student loans, as well-intentioned as it may be, is not the panacea Americans have been led to believe. Upon closer examination, the President’s forgiveness plan creates winners and losers, ultimately benefiting higher-income earners the most. In reality, this plan amounts to wealth redistribution. To quote another top economist, Thomas Sowell described this clearly: “There are no solutions, only trade-offs.” Forgiving student loans is not the end of the road but the beginning of a trade-off for a rising federal fiscal crisis and soaring college tuition. When the federal government uses taxpayer funds to give student loans, it charges an interest rate to account for the cost of the loan. To say that all borrowers no longer have to pay would mean taxpayers lose along with those who pay for it and those who have been paying or have paid off their student loans. According to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, student debt forgiveness could cost at least $360 billion. Let’s consider that there will be 168 million tax returns filed this year. A simple calculation suggests that student loan forgiveness could add around $2,000 yearly in taxes per taxpayer, based on the CRFB’s central estimate. Clearly, nothing is free, and the burden of student loan forgiveness will be shifted to taxpayers. One notable feature of this plan is that forgiveness is unavailable to individuals earning over $125,000 annually. In practice, this means that six-figure earners could have their debts partially paid off by lower-income tax filers who might not have even pursued higher education. This skewed allocation of resources is a sharp departure from progressive policy. Data show that half of Americans are already frustrated with “Bidenomics.” Inflation remains high, affordable housing is a distant dream, and wages fail to keep up with soaring inflation. Introducing the potential of an additional $2,000 annual tax burden at least for those already struggling, mainly to subsidize high-income earners, adds insult to injury. Furthermore, it’s vital to recognize that the burden of unpaid student loans should not fall on low-income earners or Americans who did not attend college. Incentives play a crucial role in influencing markets. By removing the incentive for student loan borrowers to repay their debts, we may encourage more individuals to pursue higher education and accumulate debt without the intention of paying it back. After all, why would they when it can be written off through higher taxes for everyone? The ripple effect of this plan could be far-reaching. It may make college more accessible for some, opening the floodgates for students and the need for universities to expand and hire more staff, leading to even higher college tuition. This perverse incentive will set a precedent that will create a cycle of soaring tuition, which would counteract the original goal of making higher education more affordable. While the intention behind President Biden’s student loan forgiveness may appear noble (in likelihood, it is a rent-seeking move), the results may prove detrimental to our nation’s economic stability and fairness. And if the debt is monetized, more inflation will result. Forgiving student loans will exacerbate existing problems, with the brunt of the burden falling on lower-income Americans. Instead of improving the situation, it will likely create an intricate web of financial consequences, indirectly affecting the very people it aims to help. But that is the result of most government programs with good intentions. Originally published at Econlib. Check out the highlights from my recent segment on Fox Business. Former Office of Management and Budget chief economist Vance Ginn and Slatestone Wealth chief market strategist Kenny Polcari analyze how the Middle East conflict and House speaker standstill impact markets.
Full segment on Fox Business here. Please subscribe to my newsletter if you haven’t already, and subscribe to my podcast wherever you get yours. You can find direct links to follow my work at the buttons at the end of this post. I would appreciate it if you would also rate and review my podcast! Ben (bio) and I discuss:
Please subscribe to my newsletter if you haven’t already, and subscribe to my podcast wherever you get yours. You can find direct links to follow my work at the buttons at the end of this post. I would appreciate it if you would also rate and review my podcast! Today, I cover:
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Vance Ginn, Ph.D.
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