The 2026 South Carolina Responsible Budget: A Blueprint for Fiscal Discipline and Economic Growth1/6/2025 Originally published at South Carolina Policy Council with Sam Aaron. See this link for all figures.
By Vance Ginn, PhD., and Sam Aaron South Carolina has enjoyed significant economic success. With strong labor market growth and a favorable climate for business investment, the state continues to be one of the fastest-growing states in the nation. However, without a responsible approach to budgeting, this progress risks being overshadowed by excessive government spending. The S.C. Policy Council created the South Carolina Responsible Budget (SCRB) project to encourage lawmakers to adopt responsible spending restraints. This report highlights why state legislators must prioritize fiscal discipline through a responsible budgeting framework that aligns spending growth with population growth and inflation. Such a policy will enable long-term prosperity and provide room for meaningful relief – specifically, the eventual elimination of personal income taxes. What is a Responsible Budget A responsible budget is a budgeting model that limits appropriations based on population growth plus inflation. This approach accounts for these two metrics while considering economies of scale, recognizing that a simple increase in population does not always require a proportional increase in spending. The SCRB does not specify how general funds should be allocated. Instead, it sets a recommended limit on the total amount that should be appropriated, ensuring that any necessary spending growth remains affordable. Last year, South Carolina accelerated the income tax cuts passed in 2022, simplifying and lowering personal income taxes (as supported by SCPC). However, if the state is serious about eliminating income taxes, it must follow a model that restrains spending. The SCRB is the perfect tool for this purpose. Current Labor Market and Economic Standing South Carolina’s labor market remains strong but faces challenges in maintaining its competitive edge. As of September 2024:
South Carolina’s real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew by 4.5% annually in Q2 2024, outperforming the national average of 3.0%, while personal income rose by 6.9% year-over-year, the fastest in the country. These metrics reflect a healthy economy; however, fiscal mismanagement could put this progress at risk. Excessive spending, as seen in recent budgets, jeopardizes long-term growth and diminishes the state’s ability to respond to future economic challenges. SC Appropriations vs. Responsible Budget South Carolina’s general fund appropriations have consistently exceeded sustainable limits, as shown in Figure 1. Over the last decade, the state has failed to align spending with population growth and inflation, opting for rapid budget expansion. This trend threatens the state’s fiscal foundation. Key Takeaways
Such uncontrolled spending burdens taxpayers and reduces the state’s ability to maintain a competitive tax environment. Without reform, South Carolina risks falling behind neighboring states like North Carolina, which has adopted more disciplined budgeting practices. Setting a Responsible Budget Limit South Carolina must adopt the SCRB framework for fiscal year 2026, which starts July 1 this year, to curb excessive growth. Under this model:
By adhering to this limit, South Carolina can establish a fiscal surplus that supports tax reductions, particularly the acceleration of personal income tax cuts. The South Carolina Policy Council's data-driven recommendations support this approach. The Case for Surplus Triggers South Carolina’s current revenue triggers for tax reductions rely on meeting specific revenue growth thresholds. While effective in the short term, these triggers often delay relief during economic uncertainty. Conversely, surplus triggers directly tie tax cuts to actual budget surpluses, ensuring that excess revenue is returned to taxpayers without incentivizing unnecessary government growth. States like North Carolina have successfully implemented revenue-triggered tax cuts, reducing their income tax rate to 2.49% by 2030. South Carolina should follow this direction but instead, use the surplus buydown that allocates surplus funds above a strict spending limit to:
Comparisons with Nearby States South Carolina’s tax system ranks 33rd overall in the Tax Foundation’s 2025 State Tax Competitiveness Index. While the state boasts a competitive corporate tax rate of 5%, its individual income tax system and reliance on property and sales taxes hinder its economic standing:
Recommendations for Reform To secure South Carolina’s fiscal future, legislators should adopt the following reforms:
Conclusion South Carolina’s economic growth and rising revenues present an opportunity to implement transformative fiscal policies. The state can ensure long-term prosperity while maintaining its competitive edge by adhering to a responsible budget framework and prioritizing tax relief. Legislators must decisively curb overspending and return resources to taxpayers, ensuring South Carolina remains a beacon of opportunity.
0 Comments
In January, many state legislatures will begin their sessions. In this special edition of This Week’s Economy show, I share state and local policies that will equip state leaders to help boost their economies and help their citizens prosper. I will outline three solutions that I think have the greatest capacity to let people prosper where they reside. As a thank you, Substack subscribers can download my complimentary Let People Prosper Policy Agenda. Watch this week’s episode on YouTube below, listen to it on Apple Podcast or Spotify, and visit my website for more information.
States across the country are rethinking tax reform to stay competitive for residents and businesses. Many are exploring ways to phase out personal income, business franchise, and property taxes to attract workers, foster economic growth, and ensure property rights. But doing so requires careful planning to ensure stability and fiscal responsibility.
One of the most important decisions in this process is choosing the right mechanism to trigger tax cuts. Two common approaches are revenue triggers and surplus triggers. While both have their merits, surplus triggers are far more reliable and sustainable. They base tax cuts on actual fiscal surpluses rather than optimistic revenue projections and address the core problem of government: spending. Why Spending Limits and Surplus Triggers Make Sense Tax reform doesn’t happen in isolation—it needs to be part of a broader strategy to limit government growth and promote fiscal discipline. This is where spending limits come into play. A spending limit ties annual increases in government spending to measurable factors like population growth and inflation. By keeping spending under control, surpluses naturally occur when revenues grow faster than the spending limit, creating the perfect opportunity for meaningful tax cuts. Here’s why a surplus trigger, paired with a spending limit, is the best approach for phasing out taxes: 1. Stability Over Speculation Revenue triggers rely on meeting specific revenue targets before tax cuts are implemented. While this sounds straightforward, it assumes continuous economic growth—a risky gamble. If revenues fall short due to economic downturns or other factors, tax cuts may be delayed or reversed, creating uncertainty for taxpayers and businesses. Surplus triggers, on the other hand, only initiate tax cuts when there are genuine excess funds at the end of the year. This approach ensures that tax relief is stable, reliable, and based on real financial health rather than speculation. 2. Encouraging Fiscal Discipline A surplus trigger works hand-in-hand with a spending limit, which naturally generates surpluses by controlling government expansion. This ensures that tax cuts are backed by actual savings, not temporary windfalls. Revenue triggers, by contrast, don’t address the root cause of fiscal instability—unrestrained spending. Without limits, even rising revenues can be outpaced by unchecked spending growth, leaving little room for tax relief. By focusing on spending, surplus triggers encourage long-term fiscal discipline, making tax reform sustainable. 3. Reducing the Risk of Tax Reversals Revenue-triggered tax cuts can be politically fragile. If revenue growth slows, lawmakers may feel pressured to raise taxes again, undermining the entire reform effort. Surplus triggers avoid this problem by tying tax reductions to actual fiscal conditions. This ensures that cuts are less likely to be reversed, providing certainty for taxpayers and businesses alike. How Surplus Triggers Work in Practice A surplus trigger takes the revenue collected above the spending limit at the end of each fiscal year and allocates it toward specific priorities. Here’s a practical example of how this can work:
Flexible, Sustainable Tax Reform Unlike revenue triggers, surplus triggers don’t lock states into rigid tax cut schedules. Instead, they allow flexibility to adjust the pace of tax reductions based on actual surpluses. This makes a complete phase-out of the income tax achievable within a reasonable timeframe, such as a decade, while ensuring that essential services and fiscal stability are preserved. When combined with a spending limit, surplus-triggered tax relief delivers significant economic benefits. Lower income taxes increase disposable income for families, encourage consumer spending, and attract businesses looking for a more favorable tax environment. Over time, the resulting economic growth broadens the tax base, generating additional revenue from sales and property taxes to offset the reduced reliance on income taxes. Research shows that phased tax relief can drive billions in economic growth and create thousands of new jobs. It’s a strategy that not only improves the fiscal health of the state but also enhances the quality of life for residents. The Bottom Line Surplus triggers, paired with a spending limit, offer a sustainable and disciplined path to meaningful tax reform. They provide a reliable framework for reducing and eventually eliminating personal income taxes, ensuring that tax cuts are based on real fiscal health rather than speculative revenue growth. By focusing on spending restraint, states can achieve tax reform that is both responsible and transformative, paving the way for economic growth and competitiveness for years to come. The choice is clear: surplus triggers are the smarter, more stable way to deliver lasting tax relief and fiscal stability. Your browser does not support viewing this document. Click here to download the document.
Similar version originally published at Texans for Fiscal Responsibility.
As Texas faces rising property taxes and record-high government spending, it’s time to reassess the path toward long-term prosperity. Recent data illustrates Texas’ strengths and challenges. In August 2024, Texas maintained a 4.1% unemployment rate, while the state’s GDP grew by 3.5% in Q2 2024, outpacing national averages. However, the last legislative session resulted in unprecedented government spending increases, threatening Texas’ fiscal stability. The solution is clear: spending cuts, lower taxes, and imposing the strongest possible spending limits on state and local governments. This can be done by ending excessive spending of at least $30 billion, which is a 15% cut in state funds. Corporate Welfare: A Drain on Taxpayers of $10 billion New constitutionally-dedicated funds like the $5 billion to Texas Energy Loan Fund, $1 billion to Texas Water Fund, and $1.5 billion to Texas Broadband Infrastructure Fund create even more opportunities for contractors and financial firms to benefit at the taxpayer’s expense. Expanding these programs is already being discussed, adding to concerns about unchecked government spending. Not spending these funds and instead redirecting them toward broad-based tax relief would benefit all Texans, not just a select few private entities. Other corporate welfare programs like the Texas Enterprise Fund (TEF) and Chapter 403, the newly revamped property tax abatement program that replaced the expired Chapter 313, continue to burden taxpayers. Overfunding the Government School System by $17 billion Annually Texas is overfunding its monopoly government school system, spending billions of dollars annually on a system that lacks competition and efficiency. A transition to universal Education Savings Accounts (ESAs) would inject competition into the education sector, allowing parents to choose the best educational options for their children. Moving to universal ESAs could save the state an estimated $17 billion per year by allowing the state to spend $12,000 per 6.3 million school-age kids instead of $16,792 per 5.5 million enrolled at government schools. These savings could be used to eliminate school property taxes, providing meaningful relief for homeowners and fostering a more dynamic, competitive education system. Medicaid Reform: Lowering Costs with HSAs for Savings of At Least $3 billion Annually Healthcare spending, especially through Medicaid, is another area where Texas can find significant savings. Shifting Medicaid recipients to work requirements and Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) would encourage more cost-effective healthcare decisions, saving the state at least $3 billion annually. These savings could then be applied toward property tax relief, allowing Texans to benefit from lower overall taxes while promoting personal responsibility in healthcare. Achieving Property Tax Elimination Through Fiscal Discipline By combining savings from eliminating corporate welfare, passing school choice, and reforming Medicaid, Texas could save at least $30 billion per year. These funds could eliminate most, if not all, school district M&O property taxes, providing substantial relief for homeowners. It is also critical to enact the strongest possible constitutional spending limit, tying state and local government spending growth to a maximum of population growth plus inflation. But with record spending increases in the most recent legislative session, including the creation of the Texas Water Fund and Texas Broadband Fund, it’s crucial to cut government spending, pass Frozen Texas Budgets, and provide fiscal responsibility. Securing Texas’ Economic Future Texas is at a crossroads. While the state’s economy remains relatively strong, with low unemployment and impressive GDP growth, the rapid rise in government spending, corporate welfare, and property taxes pose significant risks to its long-term success. Texas can secure a prosperous future by embracing a strategy of lower taxes, spending restraint, and market-driven reforms. Eliminating corporate welfare, expanding school choice, and adopting Medicaid reform will unleash the opportunity to eliminate school district M&O property taxes, allowing Texans to keep more of their income and ensuring that the state remains a beacon of economic freedom. Chairman Bettencourt and members of the committee, Thank you for holding this hearing. I am Dr. Vance Ginn, president of Ginn Economic Consulting, Texan, and father who is concerned about Texas's housing affordability crisis. While the state can’t address general inflation and interest rates, as those have been failures of Washington, policymakers can tackle restrictive local zoning and high property taxes. First, restrictive zoning regulations restrict the housing supply, driving up housing prices faster than many can afford.
Second, regarding the 11th most burdensome property taxes, achieving affordable housing means committing to eliminating them.
These reforms can benefit Texans, but achieving them will require political courage. Combining local zoning reform with a path to eliminate property taxes provides a practical approach to housing affordability that the Legislature can accomplish in the next session. Thank you for considering these ideas to remove government obstacles and make housing affordable for Texans. Vance Ginn, Ph.D., is president of Ginn Economic Consulting and contributor to more than 15 think tanks, including Americans for Tax Reform and Texans for Fiscal Responsibility. Dr. Ginn was previously a lecturer at multiple higher education institutions, chief economist at the Texas Public Policy Foundation, and chief economist at the White House's Office of Management and Budget. He earned his doctorate in economics at Texas Tech University. Follow him on X.com at @VanceGinn and get more of his research at vanceginn.com. Originally published by Kansas Policy Institute.
In a historic move toward greater accountability and transparency, the Kansas Legislature has taken the reins of the budget process by establishing the Special Committee on Legislative Budget. This change means lawmakers will no longer rely solely on the governor’s top-down budget proposal, which traditionally limited legislative review time and often led to rushed last-minute adjustments. Of course, there is no guarantee that these good intentions will lead to better decision-making. We need to look no further than Kansas’s years-old, toothless performance-based budgeting system to understand how noble intentions are often ignored in practice. Instead, this committee allows the Kansas Legislature to craft a budget that reflects the priorities of Kansas taxpayers by focusing on responsible spending and essential government functions. House Speaker Dan Hawkins and Senate President Ty Masterson emphasized in a recent press release that the committee will enable legislators to “ensure that Kansas taxpayers are getting the most bang for their buck.” By taking control of the budget process, the Kansas Legislature can create a streamlined, transparent approach that funds only essential services. This will clarify that government spending should be limited, targeted, and driven by performance, ultimately benefiting taxpayers. Shifting Toward Transparent, Efficient Budgeting Under the previous model, Kansas lawmakers often had mere days to review the governor’s budget report, with a complete budget bill only arriving weeks later. This limited timeframe hindered careful analysis and frequently led to budget bills packed with provisos—conditions attached to budget items without proper legislative scrutiny. These last-minute additions diluted transparency and often introduced spending items that lacked accountability. The Special Committee on Legislative Budget will allow lawmakers to begin budget reviews two months before the legislative session. This proactive, year-round approach enables them to assess agency budget requests through a performance-based lens, positioning Kansas to eliminate unnecessary spending while ensuring that every dollar spent delivers measurable value for Kansans. The approach also follows recommendations from my recent testimony before the Legislature’s Special Committee on Budget Process and Development. In my testimony, I highlighted the need for a structured, legislative-led budgeting process to keep Kansas on a fiscally responsible path. By implementing early, thorough budget reviews, Kansas is moving toward a disciplined approach that can curb government growth and, over time, provide tax relief to residents. Kansas’s new approach to budgeting draws on effective strategies from states like Texas, Colorado, and Florida, which have long upheld responsible budgeting through spending caps and efficiency audits. As noted in previous testimony, adopting a similar model that limits spending growth to economic conditions and rigorously reviews budget priorities can help Kansas curb unnecessary government expansion and pave the way for sustainable tax relief. A New Era of Fiscal Responsibility in Kansas The Kansas Legislature’s decision to create its budget through the Special Committee on Legislative Budget (hopefully) marks a new era of transparency, accountability, and fiscal discipline. With lawmakers leading the process, the state can ensure resources are allocated to core functions, wasteful spending is eliminated, and taxpayer dollars are carefully managed. This structure creates a measurable framework for budgeting. For example, Kansas agencies must demonstrate how their spending requests deliver value for Kansans through performance-based budgeting. Programs that fail to meet standards can be reevaluated or restructured, while successful initiatives receive the necessary support to continue. Such a system incentivizes less government involvement in the economy. In addition, this budget reform can open the door to tax relief over time. Kansas lawmakers are building a foundation for a leaner budget by focusing on limited, essential government functions. When spending is controlled and wasteful practices are eliminated, tax cuts become sustainable, benefiting Kansas residents and fostering a healthier economic environment. Conclusion With the Special Committee on Legislative Budget, Kansas has taken an important step toward responsible budgeting, following the examples of fiscally disciplined states. This new approach prioritizes taxpayer interests and establishes a transparent and accountable system that Kansas citizens can trust. As the committee begins its work, Kansas will benefit from a budget that upholds the principles of limited government and financial stewardship. This will ensure taxpayer dollars are spent wisely and pave the way for potential tax relief in the future. Let Americans Prosper Project: Ensuring Fiscal Sustainability for America's Future (Updated)11/1/2024 Introduction The U.S. stands at a critical crossroads, burdened with a mounting national debt from excessive government spending. This fiscal crisis threatens economic stability and future prosperity. While various fiscal reform proposals have been floated over the decades, the most recent pro-growth plan was former U.S. House Speaker Paul Ryan's FY 2012 budget. It avoided raising taxes and focused on reducing the deficit, reforming “entitlement” programs, and fostering economic growth. Today, these pillars have renewed significance and should be prioritized over any attempts to raise taxes. The Let Americans Prosper Project is vital, advocating for pro-growth policies such as tax and regulatory reforms, spending restraint, block grants to states, and work requirements for safety net programs so that America can achieve fiscal sanity before it is too late. The economic literature shows that raising taxes reduces economic activity while spending restraint promotes growth. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projects the U.S. federal government's gross debt to reach $34.8 trillion in FY 2024, with unfunded liabilities exceeding $100 trillion. Federal outlays are 23% of GDP and are expected to rise to 28% by 2054. Historical data indicates that reducing spending and promoting growth can decrease debt Successful reforms in the late 1990s and early 2000s included slowing spending growth and promoting economic expansion. About 70% of the federal budget comprises mandatory outlays, which are challenging to reform due to political risks. However, significant reforms are possible, as evidenced by past Medicaid and welfare reforms. Robust economic growth is crucial for a sustainable fiscal future. Lowering taxes and implementing pro-growth policies can stimulate economic activity and increase government revenues. Historical examples include the Reagan tax cuts and the 2017 Trump tax cuts, which led to significant economic growth. Adopting strict spending limits, similar to the Swiss debt brake or Colorado’s TABOR, can stabilize debt levels. A fiscal rule capping federal spending at the rate of population growth plus inflation could have significantly reduced the federal debt over the past two decades. Transitioning Medicaid and other welfare programs to block grants with work requirements can improve efficiency and reduce costs. This approach was successful in the welfare reforms of the 1990s, leading to decreased dependency and poverty rates. Introducing market forces and personal responsibility into programs like Medicare and Social Security can address the unsustainability of mandatory spending. Advocating for limited government and economic freedom can drive prosperity and fiscal sustainability. The Let Americans Prosper Project outlines a bold fiscal reform approach focused on lower spending, lower taxes, and reduced taxpayer burden to foster economic growth and ensure fiscal sustainability. Disciplined fiscal management and economic freedom are essential to securing America’s financial future. Spending Crisis Leads to Massive National Debt The economic literature has clearly shown that there are better ways to reduce deficits than raising taxes because it disincentivizes work and productivity, thereby reducing economic activity and lowering tax collections. Instead, cutting or slowing government spending has a better track record and can be pro-growth as it reduces government distortions to economic activity. Renowned economists Alberto Alesina, Casey Mulligan, John B. Taylor, and others, including my work on the Sustainable Budget Project with Americans for Tax Reform, have found spending restraint is the best path forward. The recent Congressional Budget Office (CBO) budget and economic outlook show the U.S. federal government’s gross debt will likely reach $35 trillion in FY 2024. But it gets worse: American taxpayers face unfunded liabilities—the net present value of spending commitments above expected revenues for programs such as Medicare and Social Security—of more than $100 trillion. The U.S. debt was 119.8% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) following World War II. Today, the debt is about 125% of GDP and is projected to climb to 257% by 2043. Federal debt held by the public is about 100% of GDP in FY 2024 and is expected to be 116% by 2034. Excessive spending leads to these unsustainable rising costs. Federal outlays are 23% of GDP but are expected to increase to at least 28% by 2054. Net interest payments of more than $1 trillion on the national debt are 16% percent of the total budget, the highest share since 2001, and will continue to climb. These net interest payments are about 3.7% of GDP, the highest share since 1999, and will likely increase to 6.2% in 20 years. Other nations have inflated away their debt or defaulted on it. That has yet to work well. After the debt rose to 119.8% of the economy in 1946, it was down to 31% of GDP by 1981, even though the budget was only balanced or in surplus for 8 of those 35 years. This was achieved through more economic growth and less spending. Past Budget Reform Effort Successes and Failures In the last three years of the Clinton administration, the federal budget was in surplus, along with the first year of the Bush, Jr. administration. However, the gross federal debt continued to increase as they exchanged debt with different maturities. The public's debt decreased by about $430 billion from 1998 to 2000 and $128 billion in 2001. President Clinton and the Democrat Congress had plans to spend every dollar of the 1993 tax hike plus $200 billion, the amount they felt was politically acceptable. Reagan had run such deficits. When Republicans captured the House and Senate in 1994, they refused to spend as Clinton wanted because of the work of Speaker Newt Gingrich and others. The capital gains tax was cut in 1997 from 28% to 20%, and the economy was spurred. Slower spending and more growth gave America four years of surpluses. Can we increase the economy's growth rate and slow the growth rate of federal spending again? We must! About 70% of the federal budget comprises mandatory outlays, such as Social Security, Medicaid, Medicare, Veterans benefits, national defense, and other expenditures. These are considered on automatic pilot because politicians don’t want to make necessary changes to these and risk upsetting voters, thereby not winning reelection. Unlike in the late 1990s, we cannot significantly cut spending by reducing domestic discretionary and military spending. The Clinton-Gingrich surpluses were largely made possible by the collapse of the Soviet Union and a decline in military spending from 5% to 4% of GDP, as well as by reforming safety net programs, which included beneficial work requirements for safety-net recipients. In the Obama years, the U.S. House voted to block grant programs such as welfare, food stamps, and federal housing programs to the states and capped their outlay growth. This is what Republicans did during the Clinton years for Medicaid and traditional welfare, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, now known as Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). Clinton refused to block grant Medicaid, but after vetoing welfare reform—block granting it to the states—he was reportedly told he had to choose whether to sign the welfare reform bill or lose the 1996 presidential election. He signed it. Welfare spending fell substantially, by as much as 30%, in most states after that as people went to work and provided for their families. Also during the Obama years, the Budget Committee Chairman and then-Republican House Speaker Paul Ryan led the House of Representatives to pass a budget called The Path to Prosperity: Restoring America’s Promise that block-granted most means-tested welfare programs and capped their spending growth. Those reforms covered Medicaid and welfare programs but not Social Security and Medicare. The Senate passed such a budget once. But Obama would not sign such reforms. Ryan showed a better approach than the fiscal insanity today. He also showed that such a budget could be passed in the House multiple times and that Republicans could keep control of the House and Senate. Such reforms to mandatory programs focused on means-tested programs—not the ones people believe they have paid for (Social Security and Medicare)–without political backlash. More recently, in 2017, Republicans passed a related Medicaid reform through the House and came within Senator John McCain’s one-nay vote to pass such a reform that Trump had agreed to sign. Even a narrow majority of Republicans in the House and Senate with a Republican president could enact significant reform. This could include block-granting welfare programs to the states and removing federal mandates so states could experiment with different ways to keep costs down, which is paramount in our system of federalism. At the state level, several states are moving their government pensions from the traditional union-style defined-benefit system that runs up unfunded liabilities to defined-contribution plans—40lK-style—that do not create unfunded liabilities. As they grow in number and size–and in the private sector, most pensions are already 401K-style defined-contribution plans–the willingness of Americans to shift Social Security and Medicare to similar structures will grow. The idea first floated by Bush, Jr. remained popular with younger voters even as the Democrats refused to consider the reform in the 2000s. Chile shifted its social security system to an opt-in program like an IRA. Ninety percent chose to leave the traditional program, and the government option was eventually phased out. Since then, more than 30 other countries have privatized or partially privatized their retirement programs. Britain has a hybrid system similar to some U.S. state pensions. Over time, the unfunded liabilities reduce to zero under this approach, and total spending bends down the cost curve. Simply beginning the block granting of means-tested programs and later starting the longer phase-in to fully funded, individually controlled 401 K-style Social Security and Medicare would clarify that the U.S. was headed toward fiscal sustainability by reducing pressure on the budget and the economy. Economic Growth: The Key to Prosperity A robust economy is the bedrock of a sustainable fiscal future. By implementing pro-growth policies, we can bolster economic stability and create an environment that fosters job creation and wealth generation, ensuring a prosperous future for all. The Impact of Tax Policy on Growth We had strong economic growth after the Reagan tax cuts. This broad-based tax cut reduced the top individual tax rate from 70% to 50% in 1981 and then to 28% in 1986, which lasted until Bush, Sr. raised taxes. The capital gains tax reduction in 1978, 1981, 1997, and 2001 contributed to higher economic growth rates. More recently, the Trump tax cuts of 2017 cut the corporate income tax rate from 35%, the highest in the developed world, to 21%, making it near the European average. Over time, the entire Trump tax cuts and deregulation contributed to an inflation-adjusted median household income increase of 8.5% from 2017 to 2019. Lower individual tax rates and capital gains taxes (Coolidge, JFK, Reagan, Bush, Jr., and Trump) and the corporate tax rate in 2017 contributed to faster economic growth rates in the past and will again. Less spending and more economic growth are good ideas but are now required by the growing debt from years of uncontrolled spending and underperforming economic growth. The Role of Pro-Growth Policies in Reducing the Deficit To achieve long-term fiscal sustainability, it is essential to implement pro-growth policies that stimulate economic activity and increase government revenues without raising tax rates. Lowering taxes can increase incentives to work and invest, supporting higher economic growth and increasing tax revenues. This is the "Laffer Curve" effect, where reducing tax rates can sometimes increase total tax revenue by boosting economic activity. Regulatory relief can lower the cost of compliance for businesses, encouraging them to invest and expand. This increased investment increases productivity, job creation, and economic growth. By making the Trump tax cuts permanent, finding other tax reforms and relief to support more growth, and reducing regulations that inhibit economic growth, there is ample opportunity to support faster economic growth and increased tax revenues. The CBO expects total outlays to be $6.4 trillion in FY 2024, $6.8 trillion in FY 2025, and $10.1 trillion in FY 2034. This is not sustainable because total revenue is expected to be $4.9 trillion in FY 2024, $5.0 trillion in FY 2025, and $7.5 trillion in FY 2034. Figure 1 shows this under these caps, which would function like a strict fiscal rule for the entire budget and projected total revenue if there was a sustained 1-percentage point higher real GDP over the decade due to more pro-growth economic policy. The spending caps are explained further below. Table 1 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of the total for mandatory outlays and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. Faster economic growth could come with such tax reforms as a simplified, broad-based, flat-income tax system. Based on the data from the President’s latest budget estimates (see Table 2-4) of a sustained one percentage point higher real GDP over the 10-year window, there could be nearly $3.5 trillion more in tax revenue. The result would be that the federal government would nearly balance in 2031 with a 1% growth limit on spending or by nearly 2034 with a spending limit of inflation. A spending limit of the rate of population growth plus inflation would still run a deficit after a decade but would balance shortly after that. Total Deficit These sustainable budget approaches work well to support more economic growth and reduce spending growth over time. However, these will likely create tough political challenges, though they should be considered rather than raising taxes. Of course, these budget improvements would be even more significant if there were pro-growth policies of less spending, lower taxes, reduced regulation, expanded free trade, and other efforts that limit government intervention in our lives and livelihoods. Given the above calculations, we can evaluate, based on our approaches, what could happen to the deficit over time. Figure 2 shows what this looks like under these caps. Table 2 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of the total for the total deficit and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. Overall, the only approach to a balanced budget by 2034 is the 1% growth cap, but faster economic growth would help the other two spending restraint approaches reach a balanced budget in about a decade. All three spending restraint approaches would improve the budget picture substantially compared with the CBO’s baseline budget. Also, we have kept the CBO’s projections for tax revenues or used the President’s latest estimates with faster economic growth, so our approach is very conservative. The results would most likely be substantially higher tax revenues by limiting government spending in the productive private sector and not hurting economic activity by raising taxes, as noted above, but rather providing pro-growth tax reform. Fiscal Reform Initiatives and Their Outcomes Various fiscal reform initiatives have been proposed and implemented over the years, with varying degrees of success. The most effective have combined spending restraint with pro-growth economic policies. Sustainable Budgeting Practices Adopting sustainable budgeting practices involves setting strict limits on spending growth and focusing on essential services. This approach helps to stabilize debt levels and create a more predictable fiscal environment. The federal government's enactment of a sustainable budget would assist these reforms. This would be a fiscal rule of spending limit similar to the Swiss debt brake or Colorado’s TABOR, whereby federal spending would be capped at no more than the rate of population growth plus inflation. Of course, federal spending should be much lower than this rate to correct for past excesses and bloated national debt. However, the spending limit will force Congress to reform mandatory programs and reduce the national debt. Had this spending limit been in place from 2004 to 2023, the federal debt would have increased by $700 billion instead of the actual increase of $20.2 trillion (Figure 3). A cornerstone of our approach is establishing a strict federal spending limit, block-granting federal safety net programs, and mandating work requirements for recipients to receive taxpayer funds. This approach underscored the need for disciplined fiscal policy to curb the government's excessive spending tendency. By setting a clear ceiling on expenditures, our proposal sought to ensure that federal spending grows at a rate that does not exceed the taxpayers’ ability to fund it, thereby addressing the root cause of the burgeoning national debt. The key pillars of our project are block grants and work requirements for safety net programs tied with spending restraint and other pro-growth policies. Block Grants and Work Requirements One successful reform has been the implementation of block grants for welfare programs, coupled with work requirements. This approach was central to the welfare reform of the 1990s, which led to significant decreases in welfare dependency and poverty rates. Medicaid, a significant component of the federal safety net, has been a focal point of fiscal scrutiny due to its rapidly expanding costs. As a joint federal-state program, Medicaid's current open-ended funding structure incentivizes higher spending, contributing to its unsustainable trajectory. We propose a transformative reform of Medicaid by transitioning it to a block grant program. This approach would allocate fixed amounts of funding to states, granting them greater autonomy over the administration of Medicaid. This decentralization is intended to spur innovation and efficiency as states tailor the program better to fit the needs and circumstances of their populations. Crucially, this block grant proposal includes stringent limitations on funding growth. These limitations ensure that Medicaid spending does not outpace the broader economy or the government's fiscal capacity. By imposing these constraints, the plan aims to make Medicaid more sustainable long-term, aligning its growth with realistic fiscal parameters and reinforcing the broader goal of government restraint. Advancing Fiscal Responsibility: The Broader Implications While Medicaid reform was a critical aspect of Ryan's fiscal strategy, it should be extended to a comprehensive overhaul of mandatory programs. By advocating for reforms that introduce more market forces and personal responsibility into programs like Medicare and Social Security, we could address the unsustainability of mandatory spending. These reforms are grounded in the principle that fiscal responsibility necessitates hard choices and innovative solutions to preserve the social safety net for future generations. At the heart of our proposal is a call for limited government. This means reducing the size and scope of federal programs and emphasizing the importance of unleashing the private sector's potential. By advocating for tax and regulatory reforms that encourage investment and job creation, our proposal reflects a belief in the power of economic freedom to drive prosperity. Results from the Let Americans Prosper Project Many areas of the federal budget need to be reformed or eliminated, as many are questionable under the Constitution. But without eliminating those areas right away, unless there is political will, the Sustainable American Budget approach block grants many of the programs that currently go to states and cap the growth rate of those to different rates. These growth rate caps include 1%, inflation rate, or the rate of population growth plus inflation. The inflation measure used is the chained-consumer price index, which accounts for substitution effects and has been the index used to adjust federal income tax brackets since the Trump tax cuts. Our analysis uses the average growth rates from the last decade of 2.59% for chained CPI and 3.12% for population growth plus inflation. We consider different areas of the budget for the latest CBO projections for tax revenues and spending from 2025 to 2034. These projections from the CBO need to be more precise as they do not account for unforeseen recessions or other complications. Our projections do not account for the likelihood of faster economic growth from our pro-growth policy changes. Regardless, our projections provide helpful estimates when considering the best path forward to deal with the fiscal and economic crisis. Table 3 provides the CBO’s 10-year window estimates for the federal budget. These data indicate that mandatory spending on things like Medicare and Social Security will account for 61.7% of the total outlays over the next decade, with discretionary spending comprising 23.2% and net interest of 15.0%. This provides further evidence that something must be done about mandatory programs before there is fiscal relief. Given this unsustainable trajectory, we consider the following scenarios for specific areas of the budget and others for comparison to help right the ship that is ready to crash if it has not already. Medicaid Spending We start by block-granting Medicaid expenditures to states. Medicaid has many problems, as recently outlined by the American Legislative Exchange Council, and those states that haven’t expanded Medicaid should not. In short, coverage doesn’t equal care, especially when it is covered by the government and paid for by taxpayers. Regardless, we consider what Medicaid could spend over the next decade if it was block-granted to states and then limited to the growth rate caps noted above. Figure 4 shows what this looks like under these caps. Table 4 shows the results of CBO’s projection of Medicaid spending and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window from 2025 to 2034. Medicaid and Income Security Programs Spending Expanding the block grant approach beyond Medicaid, we should include income security programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), earned income, child and other tax credits, supplemental security income, unemployment compensation, child nutrition, and family support, including housing vouchers and foster care. Consolidating these programs into block grants to states can significantly improve efficiency and accountability. States, being closer to the needs of their populations, are better positioned to administer these programs effectively, ensuring that aid reaches those who need it most while minimizing waste and fraud. Figure 5 shows what this looks like under these caps. Table 5 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of the total for Medicaid and income security program spending and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. Because the CBO projects that spending on income security programs will decline in 2026 and 2027 and then increase again, its average growth rate is 1.1%. Hence, the primary savings from our approach is on Medicaid spending. Discretionary Spending Capping Medicaid and other safety net programs will help provide some fiscal relief but not much over time. We also consider our approach with discretionary spending, which is expected to be $1.7 trillion or about 27% of $6.4 trillion in total outlays in FY 2024. Figure 6 shows what this looks like under these caps. Table 6 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of the total for discretionary outlays and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. The only scenario that reduces discretionary outlays compared with the CBO’s baseline is the 1% growth approach. Of course, this is less than 30% of total outlays, so major cuts would be needed to improve the unsustainable fiscal trajectory. Mandatory Spending Capping discretionary spending alone will not solve the long-term fiscal problem. While we understand this will be politically challenging, evaluating what else must be done to provide a sustainable fiscal path is important. We consider our approach for mandatory outlays, which includes Social Security, Medicare, and other programs. The CBO expects mandatory outlays to be $3.8 trillion, or about 73% of $6.4 trillion in total outlays in FY 2024. Figure 7 shows what this looks like under these caps. Table 7 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of the total for mandatory outlays and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. These sustainable budget approaches work well to reduce the long-term cost of mandatory outlays. However, these will likely create tough political challenges, though they should be considered rather than raising taxes. Social Security Regarding mandatory outlays, we consider our approach specifically for Social Security and Medicare. Figure 6 shows what spending on Social Security looks like under these caps. Table 8 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of the total for Social Security and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. Medicare Regarding mandatory outlays, we consider our approach specifically for Social Security and Medicare. Figure 9 shows what spending on Social Security looks like under these caps. Table 9 shows the results of the CBO’s projection of Medicare's total and our estimates for each growth cap scenario for the upcoming 10-year window. Conclusion: Envisioning a Sustainable Fiscal Future The Let Americans Prosper Project provides a fiscal reform approach that boldly attempts to steer the U.S. from its unsustainable fiscal path. Government restraint, including a strict spending limit and targeted reforms like block-granting Medicaid and other safety net programs to states with work requirements, can provide a strong framework for achieving long-term fiscal sustainability. While requiring significant political will and public support, these measures underscore the imperative of disciplined fiscal management and the value of economic freedom in securing America's financial future with a sustainable budget. Vance Ginn, Ph.D., is president of Ginn Economic Consulting, host of the Let People Prosper Show, affiliated with more than 15 free-market national and state think tanks, and was previously the associate director for economic policy of the White House's Office of Management and Budget, 2019-20. Follow him on X.com at @VanceGinn. Your browser does not support viewing this document. Click here to download the document.
Originally published at Texans for Fiscal Responsibility.
In the latest economic showdown between Texas and California—the two largest U.S. states by population and economic output—the results are clear: Texas is outpacing California in job creation and overall economic performance. Over the year leading up to September 2024, Texas added 327,400 jobs, an impressive 2.3% growth rate, while maintaining an unemployment rate of 4.1%. In contrast, California gained 265,300 jobs, or 1.5%, and continues to grapple with a rising unemployment rate of 5.3%. These figures highlight the profound impact of the two states’ contrasting economic models. With its more free-market policies—marked by lower taxes, minimal regulations, and a commitment to personal responsibility—Texas has fostered an environment ripe for growth. Meanwhile, California’s more interventionist, big-government approach, characterized by higher spending, taxes, and regulation, is struggling to keep up. Texas’s Free-Market Approach: A Proven Model for Prosperity Texas’s economic success is no accident. The state has long embraced a model of limited government intervention and a business-friendly regulatory environment. This combination has made Texas a magnet for businesses and workers seeking economic opportunity and a lower cost of living. A key driver of Texas’s success is its lack of a personal income tax, which provides an immediate financial advantage for individuals and businesses. This tax-friendly environment has attracted major corporations, including Tesla, Oracle, and Hewlett Packard Enterprise, who have moved their headquarters to Texas in recent years. These relocations have boosted job creation and solidified Texas’s reputation as a national leader in economic opportunity. Texas’s economic growth is also bolstered by its diverse industry base. The state is home to many sectors, from energy and manufacturing to technology and health care, which has helped insulate it from economic downturns. Even as national challenges like inflation and supply chain disruptions persist, Texas’s economy has grown, driven by its robust job market and pro-growth policies. California’s Struggles: Big Government Holding Back Growth While California remains the largest state economy in the country, its economic growth is being held back by its big-government approach. The state’s high taxes and overregulation have created significant barriers to business growth and job creation, contributing to slower employment gains and a higher unemployment rate than Texas. One of California’s most significant challenges is its sky-high cost of living, particularly in housing. Regulatory hurdles, including restrictive zoning laws and environmental regulations, have limited the supply of affordable housing, driving up costs and forcing many residents to seek opportunities in states like Texas. This outmigration has become a growing problem for California, weakening its workforce and tax base. Furthermore, California’s heavy reliance on government spending and expansive social programs has created long-term fiscal vulnerabilities. The state’s large budget deficits often necessitate spending cuts in public services, and its high tax rates continue to burden residents and businesses. In contrast, Texas’s greater fiscal discipline and commitment to balanced budgets have enabled the state to grow without relying on excessive government intervention or spending. The Future for Texas: Opportunities for Continued Growth While Texas outperforms California in job creation and economic growth, the state still has room to improve. One key area where Texas could enhance its long-term success is by addressing government spending at the state and local levels. Despite its reputation for fiscal conservatism, Texas has seen increases in government spending in recent years, which pose challenges to its pro-growth model. To maintain its competitive edge, Texas should continue pursuing policies that reduce the government burden on individuals and businesses. One such policy would be eliminating school district maintenance and operations (M&O) property taxes, providing substantial tax relief to homeowners and further supporting faster economic growth. By spending less and using budget surpluses to phase out these taxes over time, Texas could solidify its position as a low-tax state and continue to attract businesses and residents seeking economic freedom. Additionally, Texas should focus on maintaining its business-friendly regulatory environment. As states compete for talent and investment, keeping regulations minimal and predictable will ensure that Texas remains a top destination for companies and workers. Conclusion: Texas Shows the Power of Free Markets The latest employment data clarifies that Texas’s free-market approach is driving stronger economic growth and job creation than California’s more interventionist model. With 327,400 new jobs added over the past year and a 4.1% unemployment rate, Texas stands as a testament to the power of low taxes, limited regulation, and fiscal responsibility. In contrast, California’s slower job growth, higher unemployment, and economic struggles reflect the limitations of big-government policies. As Texans thrive, the state offers a blueprint for other states seeking to boost economic performance and job creation. By prioritizing free markets and personal responsibility over government intervention, Texas proves that economic prosperity comes from empowering individuals and businesses to innovate, invest, and grow. But there’s more to do! North Dakota voters could end property taxes — and pour ‘gas on the spark’ of a growing tax revolt10/21/2024
Originally published at Market Watch.
Supporters of Measure 4 say it would repeal the 'most egregious and least moral of all the taxes.' Critics say it would 'create chaos.' Many homeowners across the U.S. aren't happy with property-tax bills that have climbed alongside a pricier real-estate market. But voters in North Dakota have a chance to act on that discontent next month by repealing property taxes and barring counties, towns and other local governments from levying them. If the ballot measure passes, North Dakota would become the first U.S. state to end property taxes. Its passage could also add muscle to the push to eliminate the tax elsewhere, property-tax skeptics say. The idea has been floated in states like Texas, Nebraska and Michigan, while lawmakers in the Great Plains and Mountain West states say big reforms are needed quickly. Property taxes are the "most egregious and least moral of all the taxes," according to Rick Becker, chair of the organization that put Measure 4 on the North Dakota state ballot. The ballot measure would repeal residential, commercial and agricultural property taxes, he noted. These taxes uses opaque formulas to make homeowners keep paying for property they already own, he said. They're also based on the "unrealized" paper value of a home, he added. For Becker, a "yes" vote is a win inside the state and beyond. "Once that happens, the light turns on for so many people. As soon as a state steps outside that box, the other states see how possible that is," Becker said. "The sky didn't fall, and maybe we should give it a try." On the other hand, Chad Oban, who chairs Keep It Local, a coalition opposing the ballot measure, argued that property taxes need fixes - but not a "sledgehammer approach." The group's members include utility companies, farmers, educators, business groups and law enforcement. "I think we're going to defeat Measure 4," said Oban. "But I do think if it passes, there will be a lot of other states doing something similarly, or feeling like there's a political appetite." However, "if North Dakota - ruby-red North Dakota - thinks it's a bridge too far," it could make others reconsider their bids to bury the tax, Oban noted. The measure leaves it to state legislators to figure out where money comes from next for schools, parks and roads, he said. "It will create chaos, frankly, if it passes." Four in 10 North Dakota voters say they oppose the ballot initiative and 28% say they'll vote for it, according to a late-September poll of 500 voters commissioned by the North Dakota Monitor, a state news outlet. One-third of voters hadn't made up their minds, the poll said. Same proposal, rising property-tax frustration North Dakota voters easily rejected a 2012 proposal to end the state's property taxes. But the current proposal is coming at a time when voters are more frustrated, Becker and Oban both said. Municipalities across the country collected $363.3 billion in property taxes from single-family homes last year, according to Attom, a real-estate data-analytics company - a nearly 7% annual increase. The average property-tax bill climbed 4%, to more than $4,000, Attom said. Nationally, homeowners faced an effective tax rate of 0.87% on their home's estimated market value, per Attom data. North Dakotans paid a higher-than-average rate, at 0.99%, but still far less than residents of top-taxing states like Illinois, New Jersey and Connecticut. Seven in 10 people (69%) say their property taxes are too high, slightly more than the 67% who say their federal income taxes are too steep, according to a poll conducted in December 2023 by the University of Chicago Harris School of Public Policy and the Associated Press NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. Six in 10 people say their property-tax bill is unfair, the survey said. Though property-tax bills have climbed on the back of higher assessed values, people feel they aren't getting the same increase in services, said Jared Walczak, vice president of state projects at the Tax Foundation, a center-right think tank. Even when municipalities hold their property-tax rates steady, they are still collecting more tax revenue from rising property values, he noted. "To some degree, it's been opportunistic," he said. "That's why it's rubbed so many homeowners the wrong way." Read more: My property-tax bill spiked 40%. I fought the city - and won. Can I get tax write-offs for my time and costs? Property-tax ire isn't new, Walczak added. California voters famously capped property-tax hikes with the Proposition 13 ballot measure way back in 1978. States also have all sorts of tax breaks geared toward property-tax relief, especially for senior citizens. Talk of repealing property taxes has long occurred at the margins, Walczak said. "It's one thing to have this ongoing low murmur; it's another thing to have it start to bubble up to the surface," he said. "That seems to be where we are going now." Still, while there are good justifications to reform the tax, "none of this is a good reason to repeal the property tax," Walczak said. Karla Wagner, executive director of the organization AxMiTax, led an effort in Michigan this year to get a property-tax repeal on the ballot. The first-time attempt didn't gather enough signatures, but Wagner said her organization would try again. The taxes are salt on the wound when people are already stretched thin, according to Wagner. "Pickleball courts or someone's home - which is more important? Stop spending our money foolishly. Stop taking our homes away when we can't afford our bill," she said, referring to the state's tax-foreclosure laws. If they catch on, repeals are "going to spread like wildfire," Wagner said. Approval of the ballot measure in North Dakota, she added, would be "the gas on the spark." How Measure 4 might play out Measure 4 would "require the state to provide replacement payments" to the local government entities at "no less than the current real property-tax levies," according to the ballot measure's text. It could cost the state's coffers $3.15 billion over a two-year window, according to the measure. The projected aftermath of Measure 4 is a good reason to vote "no," according to North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, a Republican. "What you will do is, you will cause someone else to pick up the tab. That's what this whole thing is about. It's about, who's going to pay for it? It doesn't lower the cost of delivering anything in our state," Burgum said in August, according to the radio news outlet Prairie Public. Burgum's office did not respond to a request for comment. Becker, a Republican former lawmaker who served 10 years in the state's House of Representatives, said the state can afford the change with better decisions on its own budget. It's on counties, towns and cities to figure out how to pay for costs above what the state covers, he noted. One idea is establishing formulas for residents and businesses to pay their share of those costs. In response to critics who say the measure would take away local control over spending decisions, Becker said the approach keeps local residents in control - just not with a tax pegged to a property's assessed value. He added that, by design, the specifics of legislative next steps aren't part of the state constitutional measure; those are for elected lawmakers to decide. Vance Ginn, an economist in Texas, said state and local governments should find a way to move past property taxes, which he views as an "immoral form of taxation." Spending guardrails and changes to sales taxes could be part of the answer, according to Ginn, president of an economic consulting firm whose clients include conservative-leaning think tanks like Americans for Tax Reform. Ginn said he supports Measure 4 generally, but is concerned there "isn't a tangible path forward." If the vote fails, it's a lesson that crystal-clear funding alternatives need to accompany future repeal attempts, he added. Nevertheless, "what North Dakota is doing is helping to drive the narrative for the need to do something about property taxes," Ginn said. As Walczak sees it, turning to other taxes as a replacement would hurt "far more than a property tax does now." He's waiting to see what happens with the North Dakota vote, and what could come next. "It's likely to turn out very poorly - but it could be hard to reverse," he said. -Andrew Keshner This content was created by MarketWatch, which is operated by Dow Jones & Co. MarketWatch is published independently from Dow Jones Newswires and The Wall Street Journal. (END) Dow Jones Newswires 10-21-24 0600ET Copyright (c) 2024 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. Originally posted at American Enterprise Institute and by Kevin Kosar. Regular readers know that I am worried about the federal budget. The nation is $35 trillion in debt and neither party in Congress has a shown real interest in staunching the flood of red ink or fixing the 50-year old congressional budget process. America spends more on interest on the national debt than on national defense and Medicare.
Last month, former Rep. Tom Reed (R-NY) reminded us that the current budget process does not force Congress to consider revenue and spending issues in tandem when it is budgeting. So, unsurprisingly, elected officials are happy to enact tax cuts while increasing spending. This fiscal insanity cannot continue forever. Social Security benefits will be cut if Congress does not do something. And who knows, maybe financiers and foreign nations will decide they just do not want to keep purchasing so many U.S. government bonds, and a debt crisis will erupt. My chat with Dr. Vance Ginn, who worked at the Office of Management and Budget and hosts the Let People Prosper show and podcast, reminded me of two truths:
To date, neither party’s candidate for president shows any interest in leading on budget issues. In fact, each of them has proposed policy plans that would increase the deficit and debt, which is dispiriting. Government Spending Is The Problem The late, great economist Milton Friedman said, "The real problem is government spending." This is true as spending comes before taxes or regulations. In fact, if people didn't form a government or politicians didn’t create new programs, then there would be no need for government spending and no need for taxes. And if there was no government spending nor taxes to fund spending then there would be no one to create or enforce regulations. While this might sound like a utopian paradise, which I desire, there are essential limited roles for governments outlined in constitutions and laws. Of course, most governments are doing much more than providing limited roles that preserve life, liberty, and property. This is why I have long been working diligently for more than a decade to get a strong fiscal rule of a spending limit enacted by federal, state, and local governments promptly under my calling to "let people prosper," as effectively limiting government supports more liberty and therefore more opportunities to flourish. Empirical research underscores the importance of spending restraint over tax hikes in promoting economic growth. Studies by economists Alberto Alesina and Silvia Ardagna, John Taylor, Casey Mulligan, and others have consistently shown that fiscal adjustments based on reducing government spending better foster economic growth than those based on raising taxes. Fortunately, there have been multiple state think tanks that have championed this sound budgeting approach through what they've called either the Responsible, Conservative, or Sustainable State Budget. I recently worked with Americans for Tax Reform to publish the Sustainable Budget Project, which provides spending comparisons and other valuable information for every state. This groundbreaking approach was outlined recently in my co-authored op-ed with Grover Norquest of ATR in the Wall Street Journal. When Did This Budget Approach Begin? I started this approach in 2013 with my former colleagues at the Texas Public Policy Foundation with work on the Conservative Texas Budget. The approach is a fiscal rule based on an appropriations limit that covers as much of the budget as possible, ideally the entire budget, with a maximum amount based on the rate of population growth plus inflation and a supermajority (two-thirds) vote to exceed it. A version of this approach was started in Colorado in 1992 with their taxpayer's bill of rights (TABOR), which was championed by key folks like Dr. Barry Poulson and others. (picture below is from a road sign in Texas) Why Population Growth Plus Inflation? While there are many measures to use for a spending growth limit, the rate of population growth plus inflation provides the best reasonable measure of the average taxpayer's ability to pay for government spending without excessively crowding out their productive activities. It is important to look at this from the taxpayer’s perspective rather than the appropriator’s view given taxpayers fund every dollar that appropriators redistribute from the private sector. Population growth plus inflation is also a stable metric reducing uncertainty for taxpayers (and appropriators) and essentially freezes inflation-adjusted per capita government spending over time. The research in this space is clear that the best fiscal rule is a spending limit using the rate of population growth plus inflation, not gross state product, personal income, or other growth rates. In fact, population growth plus inflation typically grows slower than these other rates so that more money stays in the productive private sector where it belongs. To get technical for a moment, personal income growth and gross state product growth are essentially population growth plus inflation plus productivity growth. There's no reasonable consideration that government is more productive over time, so that term would be zero leaving population growth plus inflation. And if you consider the productivity growth in the private sector, then more money should be in that sector at the margin for the greatest rate of return, leaving just population growth plus inflation. Population growth plus inflation becomes the best measure to use no matter how you look at it. Given the high inflation rate more recently, it is wise to use the average growth rate of population growth plus inflation over a number of years to smooth out the increased volatility (ATR's Sustainable Budget Project uses the average rate over the three years prior to a session year). And this rate of population growth plus inflation should be a ceiling and not a target as governments should be appropriating less than this limit. Ideally, governments should freeze or cut government spending at all levels of government to provide more room for tax relief, less regulation, and more money in taxpayers' pockets. Overview of Conservative Texas Budget Approach Figure 1 shows how the growth in Texas’ biennial budget was cut by one-fourth after the creation of the Conservative Texas Budget in 2014 that first influenced the 2015 Legislature when crafting the 2016-17 budget along with changes in the state’s governor (Gov. Greg Abbott), lieutenant governor (Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick), and some legislators. The 8.9% average growth rate of appropriations since then was below the 9.5% biennial average rate of population growth plus inflation since then, which this was drive substantially higher after the latest 2024-25 budget that is well above this key metric (before this biennial budget the growth rate was 5.2% compared with 9.4% in the rate of population growth plus inflation). This approach was mostly put into state law in Texas in 2021 with Senate Bill 1336, as the state already has a spending limit in the constitution. The bill improved the limit to cover all general revenue ("consolidated general revenue") or 55% of the total budget rather than just 45% previously, base the growth limit on the rate of population growth times inflation instead of personal income growth, and raise the vote from a simple majority to three-fifths of both chambers to exceed it instead of a simple majority. There are improvements that should be made to this recent statutory spending limit change in Texas, such as adding it to the constitution and improving the growth rate to population growth plus inflation instead of population growth times inflation calculated by (1+pop)*(1+inf). But this limit is now one of the strongest in the nation as historically the gold standard for a spending limit of the Colorado's Taxpayer Bill of Rights (TABOR) has been watered down over the years by their courts and legislators, as it currently covers just 43% of the budget instead of the original 67%. My Work On The Federal Budget In The White House From June 2019 to May 2020, I took a hiatus from state policy work to serve Americans as the associate director for economic policy ("chief economist") at the White House's Office of Management and Budget. There I learned much about the federal budget, the appropriations process, and the economic assumptions which are used to provide the upcoming 10-year budget projections. In the President's FY 2021 budget, we found $4.6 trillion in fiscal savings and I was able to include the need for a fiscal rule which rarely happens (pic of President Trump's last budget). Sustainable Budget Work With Other States and ATR When I returned to the Texas Public Policy Foundation in May 2020, as I wanted to get back to a place with some sense of freedom during the COVID-19 pandemic and to be closer to family, I started an effort to work on this sound budgeting approach with other state think tanks. This contributed to me working with many fantastic people who are trying to restrain government spending in their states and the federal levels. Here are the latest data on the federal and state budgets as part of ATR's Sustainable Budget Project. From 2014 to 2023, the following happened: Federal spending increased by 81.7%, nearly four times faster than the 23.1% increase in the rate of population growth plus inflation.
Result: American taxpayers could have been spared more than $2.5 trillion in taxes and debt just in 2023 if federal and state governments had grown no faster than the rate of population growth plus inflation during the previous decade. And this would be even more if we considered the cumulative savings over the period. My hope is that if we can get enough state think tanks to promote this budgeting approach, get this approach put into constitutions and statutes, and use it to limit local government spending as well, there will be plenty of momentum to provide sustainable, substantial tax relief and eventually impose a fiscal rule of a spending limit on the federal budget. This is an uphill battle but I believe it is necessary to preserve liberty and provide more opportunities to let people prosper.
Sustainable State Budget Revolution Across The Country Below are the states and think tanks which I'm working with and this revolution is going, which you can find an overview of this budgeting approach in Louisiana and should be applied elsewhere. Here are the latest efforts:
If you're interested in doing this in your state, please reach out to me. For more details, check out these write-ups on this issue by Grover Norquist and I at WSJ, Dan Mitchell at International Liberty, and The Economist. Originally posted at The Sentinal. Read my full testimony here or watch it at YouTube below at minute 38:00. Kansas is spending too much and needs to reform the way it creates the yearly budget, was the message Dr. Vance Ginn — a senior fellow at the Kansas Policy Institute, told a state legislature committee on Oct. 2, 2024. Dr. Vance Ginn Ginn, who was also the former chief economist in the White House Office of Management and Budget and is president of Ginn Economic Consulting, told the Special Committee on Budget Process and Development the “main problem of government” is how much is spent. “Unfortunately, in Kansas, there’s too much that’s being spent,” he said. “I know that’s why you’re looking at budget process reforms and how to spend less over time to make sure that you have the best use of taxpayer money that’s coming out of the productive private sector.” Ginn pointed to Colorado as a good example. “When you look at Colorado, which has (gone) from red to purple to blue over time, one of the things that’s helped them to restrain spending, no matter what the political situation has been, is their Taxpayer Bill of Rights,” Ginn said. “TABOR, as it’s called, is a spending limit that limits the growth of the budget to no more than population growth plus inflation, which is a good measure of the average taxpayer’s ability to pay for government spending. “Now it’s been weakened a little bit over time by some courts and by politicians and things of that nature, but it still has been able to hold their spending to population and inflation and keep taxes down lower than it otherwise would be.” Ginn noted that other countries are doing something similar as well. “We’ve also seen spending limits work in other countries. Sweden and others. The Swiss debt break is another example of that, ” he said. “So it’s not just the states, which I think is important, as we’re talking about here in Kansas today, but also to look at what other countries have done.” Ginn also suggested looking at a longer-term budget — if perhaps not as long as the federal government’s 10-year budget projections. “I don’t know how far in advance you want to go, but maybe a couple of years, two or three years, I think looks good to figure out what’s happening for the future,” he said. “How are the trends looking for different areas of the budget, whether you look at health care, education, transportation, I think those things are really important. It’s something that’s been able to work in Florida to help to restrain the spending over time.” Ginn suggested other measures as well, including independent efficiency audits, such as Texas uses, to help find waste within state departments. He also said the state should look at an annual budget analysis. “So you have the budget that’s passed, but then look at it throughout each year to ensure that those dollars are being spent wisely and that we’re getting the effectiveness — the intended goals are being met for each one of these programs as well,” he said. Ginn is also an advocate of “zero-based” and “priority-based budgeting,” as well. “I think it is really important to adopt priority-based budgeting,” Ginn said. “Zero-based budgeting is important. Start from scratch and build your way up. It’s kind of costly, it’s time consuming to do some of those things. But there’s also performance-based budgeting to make sure that you’re getting the performance out of these. So a combination of those is priority-based budgeting, which I think, if you’re looking at the annual reviews, would be a great opportunity for you all to make some suggestions, make some changes.” Spending per resident in 2022Kansas spent $4,941 per resident in 2022, excluding federal and debt-related spending, as reported by the National Association of State Budget Officers. By comparison, Colorado spent $3,935 per resident. Missouri ($3,110) and Oklahoma ($3,404) also spent a lot less per resident to provide the same services as Kansas. Only Nebraska spent more, at $5,268 per resident. Just getting to Colorado’s level of efficiency would save taxpayers almost $3 billion annually. Responsible Kansas Budget would meet many of Ginn’s suggestions Ginn pushed something KPI has proposed for two years now. “The Responsible Kansas Budget” is a model to achieve a sustainable budget through tax-and-expenditure limits based on transparency and performance-based budgeting, which will rein in government spending to avoid deficits. In 2022, KPI released its first edition of the Responsible Kansas Budget for 2023. The model proposed a limit on All Funds (state funds plus federal funds) appropriations in 2023 at $21.0 billion based on limiting spending increases to the combined rate of population growth and inflation. Instead, the Legislature approved an All-Funds budget of $22.9 billion—nearly $2 billion more than the RKB. The RKB uses a simple calculation of finding the growth rate of the state’s resident population and adding it to the growth rate of the state’s Consumer Price Index [a common measure of inflation] to set maximum appropriation limits. Indeed, from fiscal 2005, through fiscal 2023, state appropriations grew from $7.2 billion to 17.1 billion. Had the RKB’s appropriation limits been in place, the growth would have been to “only” $11.4 billion, saving Kansas taxpayers roughly $5.7 billion. Listen to my discussion with Mandy Connell.
And once again pass a giant Continuing Resolution to keep spending until the end of December. Do you really think they are going to craft and pass 12 spending bills before Christmas? No, they won't. That means either another Continuing Resolution or a giant pork filled Omnibus bill that allows everyone in Congress to hide the pork they are bringing back to their districts so they can keep getting re elected. I've got Former White House OMB Chief Economist, Vance Ginn, Ph.D., today at 2:30. We're talking about how Congress is pretending that there is not a spending crisis. It’s time to address the root issue — overspending. Excessive government spending and deficits lead to inflation, higher prices, and a weaker dollar. When the government runs deficits, the Federal Reserve prints more money by mostly buying Treasury securities to cover the deficit. Find Dr. Ginn's website and sign up for his newsletter here. Andrew McVeigh and Vance Ginn with Texas for Fiscal Responsibility to break down the Texas Budget and our path to property tax elimination.
Originally published at Texans for Fiscal Responsibility. Get the full report there.
Overview
Originally published at Texans for Fiscal Responsibility.
The State of Texas is pouring unprecedented amounts of taxpayer money into public education with little to show for it. From the 2014-15 school year, to the 2022-23 school year, total education spending surged 53% to $92.4 billion, while per-student spending jumped 45% to $16,792. That’s far above inflation’s 28.6% increase. Yet, 76% of 8th graders are below proficiency in math, and 75% in reading. Clearly, more funding hasn’t improved results for Texas children. The problem isn’t underfunding, but overfunding and inefficiency in Texas’s government-run, monopoly education system. There’s no competition or incentive to improve outcomes. Universal Education Savings Accounts (ESAs) provide a real solution. ESAs let parents direct state education dollars (their tax dollars) to the school or educational service of their choice – public, private, homeschooling, or other options. This competition would force all schools to improve, driving innovation, lower prices, and better outcomes. Allocating about $12,000 per student through ESAs would reduce the total cost of education from $92.4 billion for 5.5 million students to $75.6 billion for 6.3 million school-age children, saving taxpayers at least $16.8 billion. If we focus solely on operational expenditures, ESAs could drop to $12,389 per student for the same spending, or less for savings. The savings should be used to reduce school district property taxes and school debt, further relieving taxpayers. Twelve states, including Arizona and Florida, already have universal or near-universal ESAs with positive results. Texas should follow suit. Governor Greg Abbott has an historic opportunity to lead this charge. Universal ESAs would empower parents, improve educational outcomes, and save billions of taxpayer dollars. It’s time to stop overfunding a broken system. Universal ESAs are the key to transforming education in Texas. Governor Abbott should keep pushing hard for universal school choice and ESA school finance in the next legislative session and lead Texas toward a brighter future. Economics and Spending, National and Local on Qualified Opinions Podcast with Veronique De Rugy9/6/2024
Joining the show today is Vance Ginn. Vance is the founder and president of Ginn Economic Consulting, where he leverages data-driven insights to shape economic policy discussions across the nation.
Over the course of the show, Veronique and Vance discuss state and local government spending, federal spending, and the connection between the two.
Originally posted here: https://www.politicsandparenting.com/p/the-economy.
Today on the show I am joined by Vance Ginn, Ph.D. A leading economist and advocate for free-market principles and fiscal conservatism. He is the former associate director for economic policy at the White House’s Office of Management and Budget and chief economist at the Texas Public Policy Foundation. He is the founder and president of Ginn Economic Consulting and host of the Let People Prosper Show podcast, providing high-impact economic consulting that dives deep into pressing issues with top influencers. He lives in Round Rock, Texas, with his family, championing policies that promote economic freedom and prosperity. We discuss inflation, debt, minimum wage, currency, and tariffs. This is a great episode for average citizens trying to get a handle on this complex topic. Be sure to follow Vance on X and Substack, and check out his new article out in the Freemen-News Letter. Chair Huffman and Members of the Committee, Thank you for the opportunity to testify today. I am Dr. Vance Ginn, president of Ginn Economic Consulting. Over the last decade, the Texas Legislature has made progress in property tax relief, but the affordability crisis demands more action. Property taxes are not just a financial burden—they are fundamentally immoral. They force Texans to perpetually rent from the government, functioning as unrealized capital gains and wealth taxes paid annually. This system makes it difficult for families with low or fixed incomes to build and pass on a legacy. Last session, despite a $32.7 billion surplus, new property tax relief was limited to just $12.7 billion. And the state budget increased by a record 32% in state funds from GAA appropriations to appropriations Although this was the second-largest tax relief amount in Texas history, property taxes increased by $165 million last year from excessive spending by local governments. The path forward is clear: spend less and reduce property tax rates rather than complicating the housing market with homestead exemptions, discounts, and abatements that make elimination more difficult. To eliminate property taxes, consider three simple steps:
This three-step process will help curb soaring property taxes and pave the way for a more prosperous future without property taxes to preserve life, liberty, and prosperity. Thank you for your time, and I’m glad to answer any questions.
Originally published by Real Clear Health.
By Vance Ginn & Deane Waldman August 27, 2024 Affordability of health care in the U.S. has been declining, reaching its lowest point since 2022, with no signs of improvement. This stark reality underscores the urgent need for a healthcare system that prioritizes timely access to affordable, high-quality care. To achieve this goal, the government needs to step aside and empower We the Patients. In fact, Americans need exactly the opposite of what Candidate Harris intends to do if she gains the oval office. She plans to expand Washington’s role in Americans’ health (medical) care. The U.S. spends an astonishing $4.8 trillion annually on healthcare. But here's the truly shocking part: more than half of that huge expense produces NO patient care! It does not pay for essential services like doctor visits, hospital stays, medications, mental health care, and home health care! Two point four trillion “healthcare” dollars are wasted on administrative costs and regulatory compliance. This useless spending not only inflates costs but also diverts resources away from patients, contributing to delays in care and, tragically, to what is known as "death-by-queue," where Americans die while waiting for care they desperately need. Many healthcare providers find themselves trapped in a system driven by perverse incentives. The third-party payment structure rewards dollar efficiency over medical effectiveness, and volume over value. This misalignment leads to unnecessary tests and procedures, over-treatment, and a general focus on quantity rather than quality of care. We need a shift to value-based care, where the definition of value is determined by patients and providers—not by an externally imposed financial metric. When patients have control over what is considered valuable, providers are incentivized to focus on their patients rather than following federal rules. The result is better health outcomes at lower costs. This approach aligns patient well-being with financial rewards, promoting preventative care and chronic disease management, which can reduce hospitalizations and improve overall health. However, a significant obstacle to achieving this vision is the heavy hand of government regulation. The regulatory environment in healthcare dramatically increases costs and restricts access to care by siphoning money away from patients to fund bureaucratic overhead. Streamlining and eliminating unnecessary regulations could foster a more competitive market, driving efficiency, effectiveness, and innovation. Restoring financial control to patients is crucial. While price transparency is often touted as a solution, it won't lead to real savings unless patients—not third parties—control their health care spending. Currently, third-party payers make most of the medical decisions, stripping patients of their autonomy and resulting in frustration and poor outcomes. Eliminating restrictions on Health Savings Accounts (HSAs) and other consumer-directed health options can empower patients with financial control, incentivizing them to seek cost-effective care. The employer-supported health insurance model is another area ripe for reform. This system, a relic from World War II when wage freezes forced companies to offer health insurance as a benefit, is outdated, limits patient choice, and increases costs. Today, the average cost of employer-provided health insurance is $18,328 per employee. This money would be better spent if given directly to employees, still tax-advantaged, and made available for deposit into an unlimited Family HSA. With these funds, Americans would have the financial freedom to shop for direct-pay care, creating competition among providers and driving prices down. Technology also holds great promise for revolutionizing healthcare delivery. Telemedicine, for example, was a critical lifeline during the COVID-19 pandemic, providing access to care while reducing the strain on traditional healthcare facilities. It has also proven invaluable in reaching rural and underserved urban areas, where access to healthcare is often limited or non-existent. By fostering technological innovation, we can further increase the effectiveness and efficiency of healthcare delivery, lower costs, and expand access to those who need it most. The U.S. healthcare system is plagued by a "cancer" of ever-expanding bureaucracy and a third-party payment system with misaligned incentives. To cure this, we must reduce government over-regulation and return financial as well as medical control to We the Patients. This shift will instantly align incentives, reduce wasteful government spending on bureaucracy, and deliver timely, affordable care to many more Americans. The path forward is clear: give control back to the patients and doctors. Let them decide what care they need and how they want to pay for and provide it. For the medically vulnerable, state-created and -run, not federal one-size-fits-all, safety nets. By doing so, we can finally achieve the goal of delivering high-quality, affordable care to everyone. Vance Ginn, Ph.D., is president of Ginn Economic Consulting, host of the Let People Prosper Show, and previously chief economist of the Trump White House's OMB. Follow him on X.com at @VanceGinn. Deane Waldman, M.D., MBA is Professor Emeritus of Pediatrics, Pathology, and Decision Science; former Director of New Mexico Health Insurance Exchange; and author of 12 books, including multi-award winning, Curing the Cancer in U.S. Healthcare: StatesCare and Market-Based Medicine. Your browser does not support viewing this document. Click here to download the document. This research was originally published at Iowans for Tax Relief Foundation.
Originally published at American Institute for Economic Research.
The school choice revolution shines a bright light on an otherwise dire situation caused by COVID and draconian government efforts, including shutting down schools with little to no sound reason. But it woke a sleeping giant in parents across the country: their kids were learning little at public schools and it was time for them to stand up. Since then, parents have spoken loudly and clearly, with more than 30 states now having a school choice program, including 12 states with a universal or near-universal education savings account (ESA) program. But Texas is not yet on that list. Texas is the largest red state and has more than six million school-age kids but has yet to follow the lead of other states with school choice, even when there is overwhelming support for it. Given the recent primary election victories for school choice proponents against incumbents, which rarely happens, there is an opportunity for a big win in the Lone Star State for students, parents, teachers, and taxpayers. According to the NAEP test, only 24 percent of eighth graders are proficient in math and 23 percent in reading. Texas’s public education system is failing kids. The time for bold action is now: Texas must embrace universal education savings accounts (ESAs) to reclaim its position as a leader in educational excellence. As states like Arizona, Florida, and ten other states with universal or near-universal ESAs demonstrate the transformative power of school choice, Texas’s delay in adopting ESAs is becoming increasingly urgent. Amid the heated debate over school choice legislation in Texas, the stark reality is that while these states are witnessing improved student outcomes and a more competitive educational landscape, Texas continues to lag despite pouring billions into public education. Despite a $20.3 billion increase in the latest two-year state budget for public education — a 33.3 percent boost — student performance in Texas has stagnated. Less than 20 percent of classroom expenditures reach teachers, with much of the budget consumed by bloated administrative costs. The average classroom receives about $340,000 annually, yet teachers, the backbone of our education system, see only a fraction of this amount in their paychecks. This inefficiency is a clear sign that the current system is broken. Economist Milton Friedman’s vision of school choice as a means to dismantle the government’s monopoly on education is more relevant than ever. States that have implemented ESAs are seeing better student outcomes and improvements in public schools due to the competitive pressure of school choice. In contrast, Texas remains stuck in a system that fails to deliver its promises, leaving students underperforming, teachers underpaid, and taxpayers questioning where their money is going. As I recently highlighted in my testimony before the Texas House Committee, this stagnation is untenable. The economic case for universal ESAs in Texas is equally compelling. By moving to an ESA model, Texas could reduce its per-student spending from $17,000 for 5.5 million students at public schools to $12,000 for all 6.3 million school-age kids, potentially saving taxpayers $18 billion annually. These substantial savings could then be returned to Texans through lower property taxes, providing much-needed relief as the cost of living rises. Moreover, a competitive education system would compel schools to pay quality teachers more, with estimates suggesting salary increases of up to $28,000 annually. The benefits of ESAs extend beyond education; they represent a broader commitment to economic freedom and efficient use of taxpayer dollars. Recent primary election results show that public support for school choice is overwhelming. Yet, despite this mandate, Texas lawmakers have not acted. The path forward is for Texas to pass a universal ESA bill that gives every parent the freedom to choose the best educational environment for their children. This is about more than just improving education — it’s about empowering parents, raising teacher salaries, and ensuring that our taxpayer dollars are spent wisely. Beyond education, the benefits of ESAs would reverberate throughout the Texas economy. A well-educated, adaptable workforce is essential for maintaining Texas’s competitive edge in attracting businesses and fostering innovation. By providing students with the education that best suits their needs, ESAs prepare them for success in a rapidly changing job market, support higher property values, and spur job creation. Having grown up in a low-income, single-mother household in South Houston, attending private, public, and home schools, I understand firsthand the transformative power of educational choice. Texas has always been a leader, but the state is falling behind in education. Texas must stop following and join the school choice journey across the country to ensure every child has access to a high-quality education tailored to their unique needs. The future of our children, teachers, and economy depends on it. It’s time for lawmakers in every state to act, so universal ESAs become not just a revolution but the norm, empowering Americans for generations to come. See Full Research on the Texas Budget.
Introduction The Texas Legislative Budget Board (LBB) publishes the "Fiscal Size-Up" report after every session to comprehensively review the state's budget and fiscal actions for the biennium. The latest report, covering the 2024-25 budget period, offers crucial insights into how tax dollars are allocated following the 88th Texas Legislature's regular and special sessions in 2023. The following are key highlights. Budget Inconsistencies and Excesses
Tax Revenue, Economic Situation, and Spending Cap
Funding by Major Categories
Corporate Welfare and New Constitutional Funds
Specific Budget Insights
Fiscal Challenges and Recommendations
Conclusion The Fiscal Size-Up for the 2024-25 biennium provides a detailed snapshot of Texas' budgetary landscape, highlighting significant increases in appropriations and strategic investments in key areas. While the budget reflects robust growth and substantial investments, it also underscores the need for continued fiscal discipline to ensure sustainable economic prosperity for all Texans. As the state navigates these fiscal challenges, adopting prudent budgetary practices and prioritizing taxpayer relief will be crucial for maintaining Texas' economic vitality. |
Vance Ginn, Ph.D.
|